This week’s discussion on foreign diplomacy will involve another mini lecture: r

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This week’s discussion on foreign diplomacy will involve another mini lecture: realism vs. liberalism. These two models of analysis have been the primary forces in American foreign policy since the end of World War II. I have rewritten the points from lecture into a more conversational argument for each model of analysis.
In a 1.5-2 page essay answer the following questions:
1) What is your opinion on the debate between Liberalism and Realism? Remember you don’t have to argue entirely for one side.
2) In the second half of the prompt I present you with three different recommendations for American foreign policy. Which recommendation(s) do you support?
3) Feel free to finish up your essay with any general thoughts you might have about the war in Ukraine. This portion is optional, do not begin a free write until you have thoroughly addressed questions 1 and 2.
Liberalism vs. Realism Debate
Realism: By definition, the world exists in anarchy. There is no world government that polices individual states. The UN is dominated by the most powerful states and has no independent power (eg. the security council). History has demonstrated that in conditions of anarchy a group must use physical force to defend themselves. Therefore, since the United States lives under conditions of global anarchy, the priority of every American diplomat should be the pursuit of power. Fostering a general fear of American military power is the best route to ensuring the safety of the American people. Economic power is also important, but we must always remember that the final word in any potential conflict is military power. We must be careful not to allow ideas of morality to interfere with this pursuit of power, sometimes we may need to work with immoral allies for a greater good. For example, installing pro American dictators in South America may result in torture and other human rights violations, but it’s better than allowing violent communists to throw these countries into anarchy. Conditions of anarchy and civil war are truly horrific, characterized by persistent violence, rape, and the perpetual exploitation of our fellow human beings. An authoritarian, even cruel dictator is still preferable to anarchy. In conclusion, fear of an American superpower has both ensured the safety of our citizens and fostered a new era of post WWII global peace.
Liberalism: American foreign policy should revolve around ethical principles such as promoting peace, justice, and respect for human rights. The modern state is far more rational and enlightened than realists would lead us to believe. Nations are increasingly economically interdependent, war is simply bad for business. A limited number of “rogue states” may reject the international community, but these states tend to be small, isolated, and fear upsetting the global order. Most modern conflicts (post WWII) can be directly linked to competition for power. The competition between the US and USSR did not protect the American people, it made the world a more dangerous place. Training terrorists to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan and the Cuban Missile crisis are just two examples of how realism has threatened the safety of Americans. Installing dictatorships guilty of human rights violations is immoral, the crimes of dictators like Pinochet are shared by the US government officials that helped support his coup. Peaceful diplomacy is the solution to most of our problems. The modern, rational state will realize that peaceful economic cooperation as equals is preferable to war. Global organizations, such as the UN, are key components to global diplomacy. These organizations emphasize the importance of communication and give states a place to air their grievances. The new era of global peace is a result of organizations like the UN, not American military power.
On February 24th, 2022 Russia invaded the Ukraine. The invasion was near universally condemned as an unwarranted act of aggression. I have written out three options for an American foreign policy response based Realism, Liberalism, and Isolationism.
1) Realism: Economic interdependence did not stop the Russian tanks. Putin has prepared for this war by increasing global reliance on Russian energy and “hiding” funds from international sanctions using methods such as Swiss banking and cryptocurrency. Russia may be rational but they are not interested in peace, only military force will solve this problem. The US should increase arms sales to Ukraine, fortify NATO countries along Russia’s border, and provide military support to all nations and groups that oppose the Russian state. Morality should not guide our decisions. For example, neo-Nazi groups in eastern Ukraine have been battling Russian forces for years. Several years ago Congress passed laws in an attempt to ensure that foreign aid did not reach these groups, which have been accused of kidnapping, torture, and murder. The American government should remove these laws and allow military aid to flow to eastern Ukraine where these neo-Nazi groups battle Russian influence. Alternatively, some elements of the American government have spoken in support of Russia. The US could consider aiding Russia, helping them evade international sanctions in return for beneficial trade contracts (e.g. cheaper energy prices) and Russian cooperation on global matters of American interest. This is only a viable option if cooperation with Russia helps increase the power of the United States, we must weigh this against any potential negative effects of supporting a Russian alliance, such as potential sanctions or expulsion from NATO.
2) Liberalism: Diplomacy can end this war and prevent future Russian aggression. Past economic sanctions (when Russia annexed Crimea) were not effective, the US must organize a large group of nations willing to put economic pressure on the Russian economy, particularly focusing on key decision makers in the government. Putin’s aggression is tied to the world’s reliance on Russian energy. Global finance has become a murky business with cryptocurrency, shell companies, and shady banking organizations helping Putin and other oppressive leaders hide and move their funds. As a global community we must reform the financial system, regulating cryptocurrency and isolating countries and companies that choose to work with Putin or other rogue states. We must find alternatives to Russian energy, even at the cost of additional hardships for the global community. Cheap gas prices are not a valid reason for working with an oppressive dictator. Once we have put enough pressure on Putin and his allies, the UN should invite Russian and Ukrainian leadership to peace talks, emphasizing the benefits of peace and continued penalties for war. If Russia remains resistant to peace, the US should encourage the international community to brand Russian leadership as war criminals and work to increase the size of NATO, completely encircling and isolating Russia.
3) Isolationism: None of this is our problem. Russia is not seen as a credible threat to American sovereignty and we should not send tax dollars or soldiers to Europe. Ideologically speaking, the US supports the right of each country to determine its own future and condemns the Russian invasion. Practically speaking, we should only participate in economic and diplomatic sanctions if they don’t significantly affect US interests. For example, we should continue to buy Russian oil and gas; this will help grow our economy and keep prices low for poorer Americans. If a significant bloc of other nations threaten to sanction us for trading with Russia then we can reconsider this position. The bottom line here is we support the independence of Ukraine and condemn Russian aggression, however, we will not take any actions that may place additional burdens on US citizens or potentially involve us in European wars.

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